| October 31, 2002
Frank D. Hurdis, Jr.
The purpose of this letter is to notify the appropriate agencies, including the Department of Natural Resources, Division of Historic Preservation and Archaeology, of our intent to submit an application for the community historically known as 'Maryland Ridge' to the National Register of Historic Places as a Cultural Landscape and Rural Historic District. The significance of the Maryland Ridge Community to state and national historical and archaeological preservationists is found in its unequalled history as an industrial and agricultural community founded, cleared, worked, and developed cooperatively by early black, white and freed black settlers during the anti-slavery movement of the early nineteenth century history of the State of Indiana and the United States of America. The community is located in a three to seven mile wide band along the Monroe and Greene County line in south-central Indiana, and includes roughly the vicinity between the towns of Elwren, Stanford, and Buena Vista in Western Monroe County; and Hendricksville, Solsberry, and Hobbieville in Eastern Greene County. Although it appears that the actual legitimate landscape based on the period of settlement and development encompasses no less than 75 sections of land and 48,000 acres, we intend to focus primarily on the core area of settlement and development which would allow a more workable area of approximately 25,000 acres. Placement of 'The Maryland Ridge Community' as a Cultural Landscape and Rural Historic District designation on the National Register of Historic Places would lend recognition as well as preservation to an incredible resource irreplaceable in our local, State, and National history as it may be counted among the very rare, and possibly only, remaining early examples of the uniquely American diversity combining anti-slavery, industrial, agricultural, and religious movements into a single community (Diane Perrine Coon, Historian of African-American Agricultural and Industrial Settlements in Indiana). The district also includes the deep-rooted history of development, and continued existence of a unique community whose distinct cultural heritage has survived more than 185 years through the lives and culture of the direct descendants of the original settlers who continue to comprise the vast majority of property owners and community members. First, the significance of the historic and cultural anomaly known as Maryland Ridge is communicated archaeologically in the vast resources which remain from the period of settlement, 1816 to 1839, throughout the community. These include the limestone and iron ore mines; the actual Randolph Ross and Sonís Virginia Iron Works blast iron furnace; artifacts including the cast iron gear by which the blower was operated, and numerous products scattered throughout the community; as well as the home sites of Randolph Ross, Hardy Sparks, Robert Roberts and as many as forty other pioneers thus documented and believed to be associated with the Iron Works. Included in the community are the homesteads and sites of Benjamin Freeland, Judge John Sedwick, Daniel Rawlings, Zebulon Alexander, and other abolitionists bringing former slaves from Calvert County, Maryland. These are surrounded by the sites of the homes, quarters, and cemeteries of the freed slaves they accompanied; numerous farms and properties cleared and built communally by white and black settlers together; original county and industrial road beds displaying economic, immigration, and social patterns; and local farming roads and agricultural patterns, many still utilized communally which continue to display and communicate distinct community agricultural, industrial, and economic relationships and cultural paradigms which have contributed to the communityís success, cohesiveness, and longevity. Further archaeological evidence would include tools, implements, belongings, objects, and artifacts found extensively at various sites densely scattered throughout the community, and which are likely to yield vital information concerning each of the movements during the period of settlement. Second, application to the National Register of Historic Places as a Cultural Landscape and Rural Historic District will include the period of community development from 1840 to 1952 displayed archaeologically, culturally, and structurally throughout the community and visible in no less than 142 homesteads and farmsteads, thus far documented. Again, each cleared and built by a combination of the original settlers, including freed slaves and free black settlers, and their descendants. Existing sites include structures such as houses; barns; wood, smoke, and chicken houses; mule sheds; carriage houses; spring houses; hand hewn foundations, cellars, walls, wells, and cisterns; storefronts; churches; stables; etc. These would also include the continuation of culturally distinct interdependent industrial, farming, and social paradigms and communal relationships as displayed through successive periods and as adapted to cultural influences and industrial innovations and technologies: The period from 1840 to 1859 evidences the collapse of the canal system in the United States, and the effects of the Mexican-American War which include the founding of the town of Buena Vista, and the 1850 rewriting of the Indiana Constitution, including the addition of the Thirteenth Amendment, which was purposefully designed to deter further free and freed black settlement; the period from 1860 to 1879 which includes the economic and social metamorphosis ignited by the Civil War on farming and religious practices and which display immediate effects concerning the changing role of women in community affairs, as well as diverse belief systems surrounding hatred, prejudice, and race as evidenced by the onset of the Ku Klux Klan in neighboring communities and its effects on both black and white community and cultural development; The period from 1880 to 1909 and the effect of the Illinois Central Rail Road on farming, social, and community development; the period from 1910 to 1929 and the effects of World War I and modernization which followed; and the period from 1930 to 1952 including the effects of the gasoline engine, the great depression, the building of three highways; the effects of World War II, and the further advancement of the role of women in the community and the workforce; and the disastrous effects of the decline of rail. Objects and artifacts which display and communicate significant agricultural, industrial, and social change through these periods include a multiplicity of nineteenth and early twentieth century farming and industrial equipment found at each site. Larger items consist of rakes, seed drills, successive plows, thrashers, binders, steam engines, etc from throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Remaining histories and record keeping regarding each family and sites provide invaluable information concerning further trends and innovations as well as other community based social, business, and farming developments and practices. Primary and secondary sources evidencing the changing role of women from the post Civil War period through the post World War II transformation of the American middle class. (Later, post-significance, periods will evidence the changing role of women in the Maryland Ridge Community to the predominance of equal and/or primary heads of households). Third, the application will include the homes and ancestral homesteads of significant persons associated with Indiana and U.S. culture and history as found in the Maryland Ridge Community: Marion Blair, who painted the portrait of Indiana Governor Oliver Perry Morton during the American Civil War, and portrait of Abraham Lincoln from the funeral bier; the history and home of Mae Lee Everett, the great grand daughter of General Robert E. Lee, whom the community rescued from institutionalization, caring for her until her death in 1970. Ancestral homes would include the family farm and homesteads of the Indiana writer Booth Tarkington; the home and family farmstead of country music legend Joe Edwards, and the family farmstead and ancestral home of Hoagy Carmichael. Discussion of the Maryland Ridge period of settlement will describe four primary migrations of Eastern seaboard Euro-American and African-American settlers between 1816 and 1839 along what had been the Spencer-Springville Road near the Monroe and Greene County Line Road from Owen County south to Lawrence County. It appears that the first three migrations to the Maryland Ridge area were a direct result of the anti-slavery sentiment building in the Southern and Eastern Seaboard States at the time, and were each directly tied to Calvert County, Maryland. While the fourth and final movement was directly due to the presence of pre-historic iron ore deposits and mines along Indian Creek, located in the heart of the community, further community development appears to have occurred as a direct result of the Virginia Iron Works. Even this group appears to have ties with the abolitionists of Calvert County, Maryland. The general history of settlement is as follows: The Benjamin and Sarah Richardson Freeland family had been wealthy Maryland shipbuilders. In 1816, because of strong anti-slavery principles, the family decided to free all 125 of their slaves and immigrate to the Monroe and Greene County line area in Indiana as it was designated a free territory by the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. Six families of former slaves accompanied them along with other white abolitionists including Joseph and Lydia Richardson Freeland, Judge John Sedwick, Daniel and Rebecca Rawlings, Zebulon and Mary Whaley Alexander, and possibly others. Evidence suggests that other former slaves and freed families may have accompanied the Freeland Party. Family, local, and county histories indicate that an agreement was made between the white settlers of the Freeland Party and the black settlers such that the black settlers would settle with the Freeland Party in the new community for a period of five years to help clear the land for farming in repayment for their passage to Indiana. While all of the black settlers appear to have been released from their agreements after the first year, it seems at least some chose to remain in the community for the remainder of their lives. This is supported by a combination of factors including census records, written and oral histories, and the presence of the graves of freed black settlers in ìwhite' family cemeteries, as is the case in the Zebulon and Mary Alexander Cemetery; or 'black' cemeteries long apart of the oral histories of such properties as Daniel and Rebecca Rawlings. Additional cemeteries may be eventually documented with other settlers associated with the Freeland Party. According to census records, and Roger Peterson, African Americans in Owen County 1819-1859, free black households in the 1830 Greene County Census include: Clayborn Bunch, with a household of 10 persons; Israel Bunch, 3 persons; James Bunch, 1 person; Julius Bunch, 2 persons; York Jones, 4 persons; John Michel, 8 persons; Shadrack Moore, 7 persons, and Samuel Nolen, 6 persons. Freed black households in the 1830 Monroe County Census include Notty Baker, 4 persons; Jordon Cornet, 4 persons; Andrew Ferguson, 2 persons; John M. Goings, 4 persons; Simeon M. Goings, 14 persons; John M. Roberts, 11 persons; Dickson Stewart, 2 persons; Evin Stewart, 8 persons; and Hillah M. Woodfork, 8 persons. By 1840, the number of ìfree black heads of households' had actually increased in Greene County, while decreasing in Monroe. Further, state, county, and family histories concur that Joseph Freeland founded Freedom Indiana in Owen County in 1834 as a settlement for black and freed black settlers. Although Freedom was originally founded as 'Freeland' Indiana, the name was soon changed to 'Freedom' Indiana. It is not insignificant to point out that not all black settlers in Indiana were former slaves, and that it is important to note many of the original land grants issued by the United States to settlers in Owen County were in fact issued to free black settlers who paid as much as $1000 for a tract of land. Land grants to black female settlers were also recorded. Owen County census data records that many black settlers migrated from Greene County. Simultaneously, after the land clearing agreement between the freed black settlers and the Freeland Party was concluded, six families of black settlers appear in the Owen County Census as having migrated from Maryland in 1817, and having entered Owen County in 1818. As the U.S. Census was conducted only every ten years, it is likely that countless other black settlers came and went throughout the early nineteenth century. The second and largest migration of settlers, the Carmichael Party, to the area appears to have originated in 1826 from Surry and Stokes Counties, North Carolina (Stokes County, N.C. was formed from Surry County, N.C. in 1789). Two things are immediately important to note, first, of the great number of these families (possibly as many as 20 or more) to immigrate to Indiana, many to most appear to have direct ties to Calvert County, Maryland in at least one of three basic forms: they had previously lived in Calvert County; had brothers and sisters in Calvert County, or had married a spouse in or from Calvert County, Maryland. Secondly, nearly all of the family histories and genealogies specifically mention anti-slavery feelings among the settlers who migrated to Indiana. This migration appears to have included the families of Archibald and Martha Pennington Carmichael II, Alexander and Mary Ann Holder Carmichael, Joseph B. and Elizabeth Holder Carmichael, Richard and Mary Graves Carmichael, Adam and Elizabeth Carmichael Fulk, Hugh McWhorton and Martha J. Carmichael Cullison Dobson, William and Sarah Carmichael Martindale, John B. and Elizabeth Carmichael Martindale, David and Frances Weaver, Peter and Lydia Teague Graves, Charles ìCarl' and Maria Margaret Krause (Crouse) Holder, John and Elizabeth Breeden Gardner, Isaac and Rebecca Burch Gardner, John and Mary (Shear) Sharr, William Hall (from Maryland), William and Lucinda Edwards Carter, San Shelton, Pleasant Fossett, Fuel Burch, William Inman, James and Sanford Stone, Thomas and Nancy Lister Oliphant, James and Christiana Crane, Richard Crane, Charles and Mary Nelson Foddrill, John and Magdelinne Baker Foddrill, James and Brazilla Gordon King, and Charles Burch. While the largest portion of this group migrated together in 1826 there appears to be a 2-4 year period over which a few of the families completed the trip having worked or lived briefly in Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Census data in Greene and Owen counties include the greatest number of freed blacks and black settlers are from North Carolina (including Surry and Stokes Counties), or also having traveled through Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, prior to arrival in Indiana. According to the historian on African American immigration and settlement in Indiana, Diane Perrine Coon, it is likely that freed black settlers accompanied the white settlers from North Carolina. Although we are pursuing information concerning the presence of the descendants of the African American settlers in the Bloomington and Indianapolis areas, like other such settlers of the time, it is likely that many immigrated on to Cass County, Michigan after the adoption of Article 13 to the Indiana State Constitution in 1850. The third migration of settlers occurred in 1834 from Calvert County, Maryland. This party was led by the Reverend Malden and Eliza Cullenbaugh Baker, and included the families of Thomas and Nicea Greaves Breeden, William and Christiana Greaves Fowler, Moses and Drusilla Graves Whaley, Joseph and Sophia Jane Hall Whaley, Samuel Hite, Cleverly Day, and David Coster. This migration appears to be the direct result of a schism in the Methodist Church in the United States. In 1834, an open and incredibly heated disagreement split the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States between traditional Methodists Episcopals (who believed in a strong centralized conference in Baltimore, and a decidedly pro-slavery doctrine); and a group calling themselves Methodist Protestants (who protested a strong centralized conference in favor of a stronger lay representation in the governing of church affairs; and who were passionately anti-slavery). This schism over slavery was common throughout churches in the South at the time. Upon arrival in the free territory in Indiana, the group began holding religious services calling themselves the Calvert Society. From 1834 to 1839 the Calvert Society met throughout the community in their own homes and in the homes of friends and family members who had previously arrived from Maryland and North Carolina. Not until 1839 was the decision made to build a permanent structure. According to church records there was a debate as to whether to build the church in Stanford or 'on the hill' west of Stanford. The hill was chosen, and in 1839 Joseph Whaley and Allen Sparks deeded the property for the Church, and the first log church in the area was built. The Calvert Society, feeling they were on the 'right' side of the anti-slavery issue, kept the traditional name of the Methodist Church, calling it the Methodist Episcopal Church. The early history of the Maryland Ridge church includes a story of a group of ìIndians' who had been camped along White River near Bloomfield during the following winter. They had come to the Church during a terrible blizzard and asked to stay until the blizzard had passed in order to keep their families from freezing. This is important to note because while the Church was the first in the community and the area, it was not the first built in the county and other churches would have been closer, but the ìIndians' appeared to believe this church would take them in. Church records tell us that for three to four nights, the Indians stayed in the Church, and while the women and children slept behind blankets hung near the fireplace, the men, both Indians and settlers, stayed up drinking and dancing each night with one Indian staying awake and sober to watch over the group. Such was the reputation and the nature of the settlers of the Maryland Ridge community The fourth and final group arrived in 1839 from Virginia. This group was led by Randolph Ross who built the Randolph Ross and Sonís Virginia Iron Works which, together with the Calvert Society's church, likely became a part of the cultural epicenter and touchstone of the early Maryland Ridge Community. Along Indian Creek on the very edge of a field cleared by the black settlers, and purchased on contract from George Adams, Benjamin Freelandís son-in-law, Ross built the blast furnace. According to the abstract of the present owner, Benjamin Freeland deeded the property to his son-in-law George Adams for his 'iron works venture'. Adams then sold the property on contract to Ross. In 1839 Randolph Ross was land granted or bought on contract a total of 156 acres along Indian Creek. By 1840 he was the largest single tax payer in both Greene and Monroe Counties. In 1841 while most settlers paid $4.00 to $8.00 dollars on average in taxes, Randolph Ross paid $52.25 and in 1842 paid $100.49 in taxes. While his property worth was estimated at $468.00, the improvements made (construction of the blast iron furnace on Indian Creek) increased his property worth to $6360.00, combined with his personal worth of $1600.00, his net taxable worth was $8428.00. This is important to note as it reinforces the belief that not only was the Virginia Iron Works the only early industrial site of its kind in at least this part of Indiana. It was also an important aspect in the development of the community as it employed many settlers, possibly both black and white, from throughout the community during both its construction and operation. Early settlers employed by the Virginia Iron Works may only eventually be confirmed or disproved by the archaeological examination of the sites of persons associated with the blast iron furnace. The history of Indian Creek Township reports that Randolph Ross brought ìa few experienced men' from Virginia, probably including Samuel Ross, Hardy Sparks, Asa Blankenship, Henry Homburg, Jackson McGee, and Levin Adams (likely a close relative to George Adams); and employed as many as 30 or more other men from throughout the community. It appears that Ross may have been the nephew or son of David Ross, who was the largest and most famous Iron Works owner in Virginia, who had the reputation of making the best iron in the United States at the time. David Rossís Oxford Iron Works was the major supplier of armaments for the American Army during the War of 1812. It is also known that the $20000.00 necessary for incorporation was supplied by ìeastern investors'. Although possibly likely, by default of proximity, it is unknown whether or not free or freed blacks were employed by Randolph Ross in Indiana. However, concerning such speculation it is important to note that the Virginia Iron Works is located on the original Freeland property which is believed to include remains of the homes of the freed blacks which accompanied the Freelands from Calvert County, Maryland. At this time, it would also be purely speculation that Randolph Ross left Virginia for the free state of Indiana, due to any anti-slavery inclinations or motivations other than the presence of iron ore. However, it is well known that David Ross ìemployed' 240 slaves supervised, by white overseers, in the Oxford Iron Works in Virginia. We further know that Randolph Rossís operations were very similar to those of David Ross in Virginia. These included the ownership of the actual iron ore mines, the same specific limestone types necessary in the smelting process of iron ore, the specific types of trees found in the immediate area necessary in the production of charcoal for the furnace (much of the charcoal can still be seen covering the bluff near the remains of the furnace, 160 years later), and the production of tools, pots, spiders, etc as well as the pig iron bars that were shipped by wagon to Louisville and Vincennes. Concerning the impact of the Virginia Iron Works on the Maryland Ridge Community, while the specific groupings of annual land grants throughout the 1830ís suggest communal organization, there appears to be a significantly higher number of land grants occurring on the same day, October 1, 1840 throughout the entire community. This may suggest that as the community expanded either the settlers suddenly had the manpower necessary to clear and improve their properties in order to apply for, often additional, land grants by paying minimal filing fees, or each grantee suddenly had the money to buy the properties at $1.25 per acre. This may also be due to the opportunities provided by the Virginia Iron Works at the same time. Further, at least 2 cemeteries exist in the immediate area and include the graves of settlers from throughout the far reaches of the community who were directly associated with the Virginia Iron Works, Freeland Party, and Calvert Society. This may be suggestive of the importance of the Iron Works to the community, and the developing identity of the early culture. Application to the National Register of Historic Places as a Cultural Landscape and Rural Historic District will also include the history of economic and agricultural development of the community. Unlike many rural and industrial communities, the Maryland Ridge Community had no planned or formal center for social or economic development during or after the period of settlement. Rather, business undertakings and cottage industries are found dispersed throughout the community much like the farmsteads were. For example, stoneware, including jugs, jars, and containers, and later, bricks were made in Hendricksville (founded by Fredrick and Elizabeth Ham Hendricks, also from Maryland, in 1831 as the first post office in Beech Creek Township). By 1850 five men were employed in the pottery shop in Hendricksville. During the early period of settlement, hand and horse mills were operated in the community, but the first water mill did no begin operation until the 1840ís. The William ìBilly' Carter Mill was located along Indian Creek down stream near what later became the town of Buena Vista. The first whiskey shop in the area was located in the community near Stanford. Sources indicate that during election time, many community members avoided this area due to its reputation. Dispersed throughout the community were also saddlers, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carpenters, masons, and others. In what may be described as a rural tradition, what developed was a community based system for the provision of products, services, and labor within the community. Early agricultural development and farming practices appear to consist of a combination of subsistence and market crops. Although a variety of crops including cattle, pork, corn and wheat were farmed. It appears that as the community developed and as properties changed hands throughout the community, new owners of a property did not necessarily adapt to the crop previously farmed on a given property. Rather the crop may have followed the various family members. In this sense, the term ìcrop rotation' would imply successive properties may have been utilized quite differently over time, or may have, by default, followed much larger cycles which may appear to mirror generational or human life cycles. Therefore, for example, logging may have occurred throughout vastly different areas of the community over time, with repetition or not; or the same field and meadow may have been successively pastured, plowed or timbered quite differently over successive generations of different community owners. Other than the subsistent level of farming which took place, to some degree on each farm, community based farming practices were consistently utilized. Crops such as grains and hay were harvested from farm to farm by the same groups of neighbors. This continues to be reflected in the wealth of roads interconnecting many of the farms as the same practices are utilized throughout the community today. For example, throughout much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, heavy steam powered thrashers were owned by one individual in the community, and successively moved throughout the entire community until each farm needing thrashing would be served. A similar system providing necessary machinery and labor has continued to be utilized throughout the community until the present day. Livestock would be herded or taken to market through a similar process. Neighbors would work together to move each herd until all were moved. This appears most affected by the coming of the rail road, as stock pens were placed in Solsberry and Elwren, and the later more significant impact of the use of trucks to move livestock to markets. Similarly, the harvesting of timber was tremendously impacted in the community both by the rail road and later by the use of large trucks in the logging industry. These factors also provide additional insights into the nature of economic, agricultural, and industry development in the community. While some farms, may have focused on the production of a specialized crop, like dairy products which may have been sold to families from throughout the area; many farms were largely subsistence based, and may have sold or taken to market excess produce. For example, many farms had what was called a 'Sugar Camp'. A small ìcamp' consisted of several hundred Maple trees which were tapped for sap, and from which were produced maple syrup and a type of brown sugar. Many of these original camps continue to exist, including evidence of the hearths and chimneys where the sap was 'cooked down'. Like other crops, what was not used by the family was likely sold and traded throughout the community. Similarly, livestock and other produce were traded throughout the community for other goods and services. Attributes of the natural topography which appear directly related to both settlement and longevity would include the richness and loam of the soil found throughout the immediate area; the alternating steep and rolling hills which more easily lent themselves to agricultural use and a long history of generational crop and livestock rotation; a natural intermixture of steeper topography likely insured the preservation of naturally wooded areas for an ongoing and sustainable long-term development, as well as the later timber production; certain species of indigenous trees which were important in the production of charcoal necessary for the operation of the iron works, and accordingly contributed to the community as a choice for the location of the furnace; and probably most importantly the extraordinary amount of natural springs which continue to run year round even in the driest of seasons. Documentation of the springs and water tables has been extensive. Thus far, the Indiana Geological Survey has documented approximately sixty karsts and karsts groups, four swallow holes, nineteen springs and eight caves in roughly nine of the forty sections of property located in the core area of the community. As many as seven springs have been documented on a single farm, including an artesian spring located on the top of a knoll. The abundance of both limestone and sandstone in the area, utilized in the construction of foundations, wells, cisterns, and chimneys, must be noted. Although specific numbers of nineteenth and twentieth century stone wells has yet to be determined, it appears that there is at least one per farmstead. Specific limestone, as well as iron ore, deposits appear important in the choice of the Maryland Ridge area for the site of the Virginia Iron Works. Contributing to the continuation of the community was the presence of cherry, walnut, oak, and other hardwoods important in the nineteenth century timber industry present in the community which later became exploited with the presence of the Illinois Central. Combined, the attributes of the local environment and topography will likely prove second to culture alone in insuring the survival and longevity of the community. Methodology will include references to both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources will include U.S. Census data for Greene, Monroe, and Owen Counties, 1820 through 1950; tax records as provided by county records though the same period; and family letters and records where applicable. Secondary sources will include, written and oral family histories; genealogies including collections from the Indiana Room of the Monroe County and Indiana State Libraries. Assistance will be noted from a variety of professionals and scholars in their respective fields of Indiana history, African-American agriculture and history in Indiana, early industrial settlements in Indiana, early American religious movements, rural vernacular architecture, and the early history of Indiana University as it appears three early community members are listed among the trustees responsible for moving the University from the Indiana Seminary to itís present location. Documentation of sites, objects, artifacts, and properties will include extensive photography and the utilization of the Global Positioning System. Over four hundred photographs have thus far been taken and two copies of each printed. Each photograph is associated with a reference number. Each reference number records a description of the shot and includes the direction from which the photograph is taken. Early road beds, both county and local, are entirely mapped using the same system. Also mapped utilizing the GPS are farms believed to be cleared by a combination of black and white settlers; stone mounds following streams and creeks accompanying fields and farmlands; original sections of split-rail fencing which displays evidence of stone foundations, often these display generations of barbed wire strung from older trees along the ìworm' of the rail fence. All structures will be noted as contributing or non-contributing. Archaeological sites are documented in like fashion homestead and farmstead foundations from the original period settlement. Countless unmarked private and family cemeteries, including those believed to include black settlers are also photographed and recorded. Lastly, it is important to note that for this project we have the support and permission of the vast majority of property owners in documentation and pursuit for recognition from the National Register of Historic Places as a Cultural Landscape and Rural Historic District. A 'rough draft' application is currently being pursued. This may
take several weeks to complete appropriately and in detail. Through
out this process we will plan to work closely with the Department of Natural
Resources, Division of Historic Preservation and Archaeology, the Indiana
Historic Landmarks Foundation, and all other appropriate agencies.
The Maryland Ridge Community
Compilation by, Jon Cummings
With contributions by, Dave Abram
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